Sun Jan 23/05
My problem with Bush

From the "first time for everything" file: I pretty much endorse and agree with the spirit (if not the execution) of this column by Ann Coulter. It's silly to single out George W Bush's inauguration for accusations of excess in the face of recent loss of life in far-flung corners of the globe. Just as silly is the incongruity between reactions to the Boxing Day tsunami and the 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh, which killed some 138,000 people. It was on January 5th, when the official death toll was at 155,000, that German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder called the tsunami "the biggest natural disaster in recent human memory." And it was, albeit with a scant 17,000 dead people lead over an event that had occurred only thirteen years earlier — an event that nobody remembers. Only 29 years ago, an earthquake in China killed somewhere between 240,000 and 650,000 people. I was vaguely aware of it.

This proves nothing except that perception is everything. Bush and his advisors, it seems to me — and their supporters in the media even more so — have steadfastly refused to accept that political principle, preferring instead to heap scorn upon those they believe are responsible for incorrect perceptions. And this is widely viewed as a good thing: "Seldom," wrote Robert Fulford of Bush's second inaugural speech, "has idealism been so firmly and persuasively linked to self-interest."

One need look no further than Abu Ghraib to see what I mean. Those photos speak for themselves, I think everyone can agree: American soldiers perpetrated grisly, sadistic attacks on citizens of a country to which they came as liberators. Whether the photos speak sufficiently for themselves was, and is, a matter of considerable debate. It was widely considered relevant, for instance, that Saddam had done far worse. A random sampling:

·         Robert D. Alt: "…the systematic torture of… countless… men in Abu Ghraib and the 300,000 Iraqis in mass graves have proven less newsworthy than the ultra vires acts of a few American soldiers who abused Iraqi detainees. Perhaps this is because the world holds America to a higher standard — to a standard we proclaimed at our inception."

·         Mark Steyn: "If [Bush] wanted to apologize, he should have apologized to Ahmed bin Jihad, or whoever the fellow in the dog collar is, and left it at that… It's ridiculous to insist that America has to apologize to Arab thugocracies in which what's merely simulated in those photographs is done for real every day of the week."

·         Elizabeth Nickson (scroll down to May 16, 2004 12:24pm): "In every country in the Middle East and in southeast Asia, and in most countries in Africa, prisoner abuse is so much worse than what happened at Abu Ghraib that there is literally no basis for comparison."

·         Jonah Goldberg: "[The] uproar from these pictures drowns out all other messages, explanations, and journalistic 'context'. Lost is the fact that in America torturers get punished, while in the Arab world they get promotions. Huge percentages of Arabs are illiterate, which means these pictures will tell the whole story, particularly in the hands of the vilely anti-American Arab media."

And on it went. Goldberg's comments, in particular, intrigue me. What's "the whole story" for hooded electrode man? If he was unlucky enough to have been imprisoned by both Saddam and by the Americans, then I suppose he might have cracked a smile at the superior treatment he was receiving, but that seems unlikely. In that the events depicted in those photos actually transpired, surely those photos are the whole story… or at least a whole story. (A brilliant exhibit at the International Center for Photography in New York, entitled "Inconvenient Evidence," presented medium-quality printouts of the photos, on plain white paper, against a plain white wall. It drove this point home bluntly: that divorced of "context" is probably the only truly valid way to view images such as these.)

And yet, "context" was coming from all directions, and in nearly every case it seemed to imply that the transgressions were (or might be) less serious than they were being presented. Here's Colby Cosh: "it would now be downright un-American, one suspects, to ask who the people in these photos are, exactly, and what they might have done to invite such treatment. Why, for example, does one of the prisoners… have the word 'RAPIST' drawn on one leg?" Well, let's assume the prisoner was a rapist. How does a rapist go about "inviting" being stacked in a pyramid of naked men, or being hooded and having his genitals attached to electrodes, or having dogs set upon him for the amusement of his captors? The short answer is by raping someone (i.e., the wrong person) in Iran, or Syria, or North Korea — countries where prison guards are given free reign to indulge their basest urges.

The United States is now, tragically but deservedly, on that list. Sitting here, I know that the United States is a superior country in every way to Iran, Syria and North Korea, and that Abu Ghraib was an isolated incident. The legal and moral failures there are as plain as day, and they are being dealt with. But it is both inevitable and, I think, entirely fair that these events have further damaged the United States' reputation in the Middle East — not just because their media is biased and their education systems are staffed by anti-American and anti-Jew crazies, but because of that "higher standard" thing that Robert Alt identified in the National Review. Bush prides himself on idealism, and his supporters laud him for it, but an idealist response to an event like Abu Ghraib must necessarily be accompanied by a pragmatic, self-effacing response. In short, it must be handled in a way that best benefits the future of Iraq.

"Inconvenient evidence" will continue to arrive, after all. What, for instance, do you do about this photo, and this one, and this one, and — ugh, heads up — this one? I don't think there's anything concrete you can do. They are what they are. But look at the Getty Images caption: "U.S. troops mistakenly kill Iraqi civilians."

   "Now hold on a minute!" you might very well say. "'Mistakenly' isn't quite right."

   "Well, who killed these people?" a hypothetical product of a Middle Eastern education might ask.

   "Well, U.S. troops, but…"

   "And were they armed?"

   "No, but…"

Unfortunately, no one wants to hear the buts. Because they initiated this mess, the Americans have to deal with that, maybe even with complex sentences, or periodic displays of weakness, or admissions of mistakes, even if they think it compromises their principles. I suspect that Bush is incapable of such nuance, and his top advisors seem trained to suppress any inclination thereto. They strike me as unwilling to wage any battle they don't think they ought to be obliged to fight. I could speculate that it's a fundamentalist Christian thing, but ultimately the "why" isn't nearly as important as the "when is it going to change?"

I think Charles Krauthammer nailed it best:

We think of torture as the kind that Saddam practiced: pain, mutilation, maiming and ultimately death. We think of it as having a political purpose: intimidation, political control, confession and subjugation. What happened at Abu Ghraib was entirely different. It was gratuitous sexual abuse, perversion for its own sake.

That is what made it, ironically and disastrously, a pictorial representation of precisely the lunatic fantasies that the jihadists believe — and that cynical secular regimes such as Egypt and the Palestinian Authority peddle to pacify their populations and deflect their anger and frustrations. Through this lens, Abu Ghraib is an "I told you so" played out in an Arab capital, recorded on film.

And Bush, because of his swagger, his moral reductivism, and no doubt also because of his Christianity, has become the perfect figurehead for the Arab Street's monstrous misconceptions of America. At this point, I don't honestly know how you fight that, but this is not the point at which a plan for doing so should have been drawn up. Not only were Bush and Co. not prepared to combat the inevitably, insanely negative spin that the Arab media and extremist clerics and the like would put on every deed and misdeed perpetrated by its troops, but they don't even seem willing to do so now. The Arab media are foaming at the mouth with anti-American and anti-Jewish sentiment; the clerics are even crazier. You can't kill them all. So… what are you going to do? This is the type of question I'd like the leader of the free world to be able to answer.

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